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R. , 2005), pp. 90–92. 26. Izady, The Sharafnāma, pp. 130–32. 27. For her positive view of the fall of Baghdad as heralding a new beginning freed from the chains of the Arab past, see Fariba Zarinebaf-Shahr, “CrossCultural Contacts in Eurasia: Persianate Art in Ottoman Istanbul,” in History and Historiography of Post-Mongol Central Asia and the Middle East, edited by Judith Pfeiffer and Sholeh Quinn (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2006), pp. 529–41. 28. Juwaynī, Boyle translated, Genghis Khan: History of the World Conqueror, p.

Both Juwayni and Tusi served the same master, and records indicate that relations were good between them. 29 The idea that the brutality and bloodily exacting punishment and practices of the Mongols and their local allies might have horrified Juwayni is demonstrably shown to be hollow when the minister’s own practices as governor of Baghdad are considered. Ibn al-Fowati (pseudo), a chronicler of events in Baghdad, has detailed a year-byyear account of events in the city as they unfurled, recording everything from the weather to the arrival of ministers, from state visits by the Il-Khan to the various political intrigues which periodically rocked the city.

Juwayni’s impassioned account of Möngke and the expectations engendered by his enthronement go beyond the bounds of formal panegyrics and Persian flummery. His praise rings true and his adulation genuine. Juwayni was singing the praise of someone who would put an end to the situation where “every hireling [became] a minister, every knave [became] a wazir”56 had become the norm. Nor does Juwayni hold back in his condemnation of what had occurred before Möngke’s enthronement and the shameful situation into which Khorasan in particular had sunk.

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