By Sarah Birch, Frances Millard, Marina Popescu, Kieran Williams
Embodying Democracy analyzes the politics of electoral reform in 8 postcommunist states together with Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, Russia, and Ukraine. via exploring the a number of elements that formed the layout of electoral associations in the course of the first ten years of postcommunist transition, it money owed for a tremendous component to the postcommunist reform approach and illuminates common good points of institutional layout in post-transition states.
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Extra resources for Embodying Democracy: Electoral System Design in Post-Communist Europe
A second was that smaller districts would favour larger parties, thus helping to reduce fragmentation. The commission also echoed the now-widespread sentiment in favour of closed lists. 42 From August, the commission also worked to accommodate the expected provisions of the new ‘Little Constitution’. 44 Most favourable were the Confederation for Independent Poland (KPN) and the German Minority. 4 Major party positions in March 1993 Party Thresholds List Minorities exempt Parties only to stand Formula National list UD SLD KLD PSL KPN ZChN As draft* As draft* Uncertain District As draft* 3%, 6%, 5% 4% or lower 5%, 5%, 5% 3% As draft* Open Open Closed Open Closed Yes Yes Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes d’Hondt d’Hondt Uncertain Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes Open Yes No No view taken Yes Solidarity KP PL PC RdR MN CD SP UPR As draft* None 3% Yes Closed Closed Open Yes No No Yes Yes No Closed Open Open Open Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes Yes Majoritarian No system d’Hondt Yes Other Yes Other Majoritarian system * The draft envisaged 5% for parties, and 8% for coalitions and national lists.
The UD had seen a widespread reaction against its economic strategies of ‘shock therapy’ pursued under two Solidarity governments. The SLD remained ‘communists’, tainted by their historic role. The difficult, protracted construction of Jan Olszewski’s minority government reinforced these early concerns and encouraged reform initiatives. The Democratic Union articulated broadly shared aims of reducing fragmentation, especially to facilitate government formation and to strengthen political parties.
The implications of these characteristics for design outcomes will be considered in turn. The transition process is one in which parties are formed as collective actors, and choices over institutions depend on the propensity of Explaining Electoral Systems 19 individuals to integrate themselves into parties, which depends in turn on the resources at their disposal. Matthew Shugart addresses founding institutional design as a struggle between individual preference-seeking and collective (party) preference-seeking.