By Nikolaj Lübecker
Taking as its aspect of departure the proposal of neighborhood in mid-twentieth century French literature and proposal, this formidable examine seeks to discover the ways that Breton, Bataille, Sartre and Barthes used literature and paintings to have interaction with the query of reconceptualizing society. In exploring the relevance those writings carry for modern debates approximately group, Lubecker argues for the continued social significance of literary reviews.
Throughout the booklet, he means that literature and artwork are privileged fields for confronting a few of the anti-social wants positioned on the outer edge of human rationality. The authors studied placed to paintings the suggestions of Thanatos, sado-masochism and (self-)sacrifice; additionally they write extra poetically approximately man's allure to Silence, the evening and the impartial.
Many sociological discourses at the query of neighborhood are likely to marginalize the drives inherent inside of those suggestions; Lubecker argues it truly is necessary to take those drives under consideration while theorising the query of group, in a different way they could go back within the atavistic kind of myths. in addition if dealt with with care and a spotlight they could end up to be a source.
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Additional info for Community, Myth and Recognition in Twentieth-Century French Literature and Thought
Da Capo: Bataille and Fascism So where does this leave us: was Contre-Attaque – was the Bataille of the mid1930s – ‘surfasciste’, protofascist or perhaps ‘left-wing fascist’ (Richard Wolin)? How fundamental are the resemblances between Bataille’s thinking and fascism? Where does the logic of ‘using their means against them’ take us? Or perhaps: what is the heuristic potential of the term fascism when applied to Bataille and Contre-Attaque? The question of Bataille’s relation to fascism in the late 1930s is one of the most complex and widely discussed problems in the critical bibliography on Bataille.
Finally, Contre-Attaque distinguishes itself from fascism by wanting to take its lead from the Popular Front. Throughout Contre-Attaque’s brief existence the Popular Front plays an important role: it is the main example of how French socialism and communism have betrayed the revolution but it also inspires the most optimistic ideas about the creation of an organic left-wing movement. The Popular Front was created as an alliance between ten different groupings: political parties (among those communists and socialists), unions, intellectual associations and an organization of World War I veterans.
Bataille has written to me that he wants me to join Le Cercle [. ]. Now the revolution is for him the triumph of the irrational – for me, of the rational; for him, a catastrophe – for me, a methodical action in which one must endeavour to limit the harm done; for him, a liberation of the instincts, and above all those that are currently considered pathological – for me, a superior morality. What do we have in common? (In Pétrement 1975: 208) We may now ask if Breton could have said the same thing as Weil when he left Contre-Attaque in 1936.