By Elna K. Solvang
Archaeological discoveries have more and more delivered to mild proof of women's involvement within the royal homes of the traditional close to East, but such proof has no longer essentially altered the notion of monarchy as an solely male-gendered theological, political, and social establishment. Solvang's research assembles the facts looking for an built-in view of royal women's place and tool in serious capabilities of monarchy, hard widely used assumptions approximately women's position within the royal harem. The historic details serves as a backdrop for a literary analyzing of biblical texts describing the royal residence of Judah. consciousness is given to 3 ladies representing diverse royal positions: Michal (daughter), Bathsheba (queen mother), and Athaliah (queen and monarch).
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Extra resources for A Woman's Place is in the House: Royal Women of Judah and their Involvement in the House of David (JSOT Supplement)
88. 47. 159 (PRU, IV, pp. 126-27). 30 A Woman's Place is in the House of the deposed queen created a problem for both nations. 48 For some reason Ammistamru was not satisfied with the settlement and pressed for the return of his wife, apparently contemplating taking her by force. 49 Nevertheless, Sausgamuwa was instructed by Tudhaliya to turn the woman over to Ammistamru for 1400 shekels of gold; Ammistamru received permission to do as he wished to the woman. 50 What is striking about this incident is the extent to which the diplomatic relationship between these two kingdoms was threatened not only by the divorce but also by the presence of the former queen.
134: rev. 1-5. 100. F. Abdallah, 'La femme dans le royaume d'Alep au XVIIIe siecle av. -M. ), La femme dans le Proche-Orient Antique (CRRAI, 33; Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1987), pp. 13-15 (14). Cf. G. , Archives abministrative de Mari I (ARMT, 23; Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1984), p. 472. 101. P. Artzi and A. Malamat comment on the 'close ties and the good relations prevailing between Sibtu and the high officials of Mari', in 'The Correspondence of Sibtu, Queen of Mari in ARM X', Or NS 40 (1971), pp.
W. Cole and P. Machinist, Letters from Priests to the Kings Esarhaddon andAssurbanipal (SAA, 13; Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 1998), p. 126. Cited by Melville, The Role of Naqia, pp. 75-76. 109. Melville, The Role of Naqia, p. 75. While Melville observes in the correspondence of Assyrian officials that 'Naqia [is] elevated to the level of the king and given an unusual measure of respect' (p. 75), Melville attributes this to a calculated campaign on the part of Esarhaddon to raise the public image of his mother through 'careful manipulation of such media as royal inscriptions and dedicatory inscriptions, and by deliberately associating himself with [her]' (p.